'No further reductions should be made'

'No further reductions should be made'

The proposals for withdrawal from Vietnam generated the most pushback from Kennedy's team of advisors

Of all the assumptions and recommendations contained in the October 1963 McNamara-Taylor report, the withdrawal clauses generated the most pushback from members of the mission team. William H. Sullivan, an assistant to Under Secretary of State Averell Harriman and the State Department’s representative on the trip, complained bitterly to Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara when he saw those passages during the drafting in Saigon.

'I just can’t buy this,' Sullivan said, characterizing the withdrawal pledge as 'totally unrealistic'

“I just can’t buy this,” Sullivan said, characterizing the withdrawal pledge as “totally unrealistic.” The United States was not going to remove its troops by 1965, he maintained, and therefore “we mustn’t submit anything phony as this to the president.” Although McNamara allegedly convinced Joint Chiefs of Staff chair Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor to strike that language form the draft report, Taylor’s frustration with Diem got the better of him.

This shot was taken on the day that Thomas Taylor arrived in Vietnam to begin his service there. On the same day, his father General Maxwell Taylor, left Vietnam.
General Maxwell Taylor and his son Thomas Taylor, in Vietnam

On the flight back to Washington, he made the case for withdrawal as a form of leverage against the GVN [Government of (South) Vietnam]. “Well, goddamnit,” he exclaimed, “we’ve got to make these people put their noses to the wheel—or the grindstone or whatever,” as Sullivan recalled their exchange. “If we don’t give them some indication that we’re going to get out sometime, they’re just going to be leaning on us forever. So that’s why I had it in there.” Sullivan acknowledged Taylor’s motivations but cautioned that “if this becomes a matter of public record, it would be considered a phony and a fraud and an effort to mollify the American public and just not be considered honest.”

If we don’t give them some indication that we’re going to get out sometime, they’re just going to be leaning on us forever

Sullivan came away from the conversation thinking he had kept the clause out of the report. He was mistaken. McNamara and Taylor likely reinserted the passage when they met in Taylor’s office on the morning of October 2, roughly three hours after landing in Washington, D.C., and a mere 80 minutes before they were to meet with the president. Fifteen months of planning to remove U.S. troops from Vietnam thus made its way to Kennedy’s desk as a result of Taylor’s pique and the last-minute machinations of Pentagon leadership.

Fifteen months of planning to remove U.S. troops from Vietnam thus made its way to Kennedy’s desk as a result of Taylor’s pique and the last-minute machinations of Pentagon leadership

The 1,000-man reduction also found its way into the McNamara-Taylor Report. Framing it as part of the comprehensive phaseout of American forces, its authors recommended that the Pentagon announce the initial drawdown “in the very near future” as part of the broader effort “to train progressively Vietnamese to take over military functions” presently being carried out by U.S. advisors.

This first withdrawal, they noted, “should be explained in low key as an initial step in a long-term program to replace U.S. personnel with trained Vietnamese without impairment of the war effort.” Central to both the incidental and comprehensive withdrawals were concerns about South Vietnamese morale. In the end, Saigon, had to run the war on its own, and the continued presence of U.S. advisory forces in Vietnam “beyond the time they are really needed” would compromise the “independence” and “initiative” of the South Vietnamese.

Central to both the incidental and comprehensive withdrawals were concerns about South Vietnamese morale

In fact, McNamara and Taylor thought a limited transfer of responsibility could take place at that very moment “without material impairment of the total war effort.” But beyond the return of those 1,000 troops, they held that “no further reductions should be made until the requirements of the 1964 campaign become firm.” The comprehensive withdrawal would thus depend on military conditions, while the 1,000-man withdrawal would now proceed in spite of them.

Excerpted from THE KENNEDY WITHDRAWAL: CAMELOT AND THE AMERICAN COMMITMENT TO VIETNAM, by Marc J. Selverstone, published by Harvard University Press. Copyright © 2022 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights reserved.

Media player

0:00 / 0:00Speed: 1x
(President Kennedy): Do you think this thousand reduction can really...
(Robert McNamara): Yes, sir. We-
(President Kennedy): Is that going to be an assumption that it's going well, but if it doesn't go well- (unclear)
(Robert McNamara): No. No, sir. One of the major premises-two major premises we have. First, we believe we can complete the military campaign in the first three corps in '64 and the fourth corps in '65. But secondly, if it extends beyond that period we believe we can train the Vietnamese to take over the essential functions and withdraw the bulk of our forces. And this thousand is in conjunction with that and I have a list of the units here that are represented by that thousand.
(President Kennedy): Bob, have they-
(McGeorge Bundy): What's the point of doing it?
(Robert McNamara): We need a way to get out of Vietnam. This is a way of doing it. And to leave forces there when they're not needed, I think is wasteful and it complicates both their problems and ours.
(edit)
(McGeorge Bundy): The question that occurs to me is whether we want to get publicly pinned to a date... like 6a.
(Robert McNamara): Well, that goes back to paragraph two, Mac.
(McGeorge Bundy): Yes, it does. It's...
(Maxwell Taylor): Well, it's something we debated very strongly.
(Robert McNamara): Yeah.
(Maxwell Taylor): And I think it is a major question. I will just say this: that we talked to 174 officers, Vietnamese and U.S., and in the case of the U.S., I always asked the question, "When can you finish this job, in the sense that you will reduce this insurgency to little more than sporadic incidents?"
(Maxwell Taylor) Inevitably, except for the Delta, they would say, "'64 would be ample time." I realize that's not necessarily... I assume there's no major new factors entering (unclear). I realize that's...
(President Kennedy): Well, let's say it anyway. Then '65, if it doesn't work out we'll get a new date...
(Maxwell Taylor): '65 is another.
(Robert McNamara): I think, Mr. President, we must have a means of disengaging from this area. We must show our country that means.
(edit)
(President Kennedy): My only reservation about it is that it commits us to a kind of a... if the war doesn't continue to go well, it'll look like we were overly optimistic, and I don't- I'm not sure we- I'd like to know what benefit we get out of at this time announcing a thousand.
(Robert McNamara): Mr. President, we have the thousand split by units, so that if the war doesn't go well, we can say these thousand would not have influenced the course of action.
(President Kennedy): And the advantage of having-
(Robert McNamara): And the advantage of taking them out is that we can say to the Congress, the people, that we do have a plan for reducing the exposure of U.S. combat personnel to the guerrilla actions in South Vietnam- actions that the people of South Vietnam should gradually develop a capability to suppress themselves. And I think this will be of great value to us in meeting the very strong views of Fulbright and others that we're bogged down in Asia and will be there for decades.